Reciprocal Defense Procurement: The Missing Element in U.S.-ROK Relations
Authors: Hwa Yu and Brian Hobbs
Reciprocal Defense Procurement (RDP) agreements—managed by the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD)—exempt “qualifying countries” from Buy American restrictions in return for reciprocal market access and closer strategic alignment. Since the inaugural 1956 agreement with Canada, the DoD has concluded 28 RDP agreements mostly with NATO allies to foster rationalization, standardization, interchangeability, and interoperability among military forces. They also waive specialty-metal restrictions, improving access to critical minerals. Qualifying countries typically possess advanced robust defense industries, field U.S. weapon systems, and face regional threats from Russia or China. Post-Cold War additions such as Austria, Finland and Australia showcased geographic and political expansion; Japan and the Baltic states followed amid rising Russian and Chinese pressure. Ongoing negotiations with Brazil and India illustrate evolving aims: integrating key BRICS economies, shoring up rare earth supply chains, and aligning non-aligned states against rival powers—while discussions with South Korea reflect efforts to deepen industrial cooperation with existing allies. Domestic stakeholder pressures, defense offsets, and “America First” trade policies complicate RDP negotiations, yet countries with robust industry, shared security interests, and demand for U.S. weapons remain strong candidates for future agreements, strengthening a resilient, globally integrated defense industry network.
(Pages 1 – 16)
Ascension of North Korea as a Nuclear State: A Consequence of Childhood Neglect?
Authors: Nykolus Alvut and Kelvin Mote
North Korea recently announced the rejection of reunification with South Korea, discarding over 70 years of stability in Northeast Asia. Kim Jong-un’s new approach to the North–South conflict caught many by surprise, including South Korea. Initial reactions were nearly unanimous: North Korea’s decision injects significant uncertainty and risk into an already unstable region, increases instability, and renews fears of a North Korea-initiated war. However, what if North Korea’s decision injected stability and consistency into Northeast Asian geopolitics instead? Using an analytic framework grounded in political psychology, this article explains North Korea’s ascension to nuclear state status as a direct result of chronic neglect by the international community. The authors adapted the concept of Reactive Attachment Disorder (RAD) to diagnose North Korean decision-making and introduce a new concept—Strategic-Reactive Attachment Disorder (S-RAD)—based on the DSM-5-TR diagnostic criteria for RAD. The article argues that a new approach, formally recognizing North Korea as an independent nuclear state, would deescalate the likelihood of war and ensure regional peace and stability in Northeast Asia. The authors also identify policy and strategic actions, aligned with treatment criteria for RAD, which can be taken by the international community to treat the underlying S-RAD attachment ruptures.
(Pages 17 – 54)
“Unitary Social Democracy” and Lyuh Woon-hyung’s Relationship with the American Military Government in Korea, 1945-1947
Author: Kyu-hyun Jo
This article will argue that “Unitary Social Democracy” had its roots in egalitarianism as emphasized by Tonghak and Christian Humanism and aimed to promote social democracy through a mixture of democratic electoral politics and a Socialistic welfare system; it was due to such a radical amalgamation of Left-wing and Right-wing ideas which earned Lyuh the American military government’s ire and led Lyuh to an ultimate failure in finding a satisfactory agreement with American officials who refused and could not understand Lyuh’s objectives. However, despite American reluctance to understand his philosophy, Lyuh never gave up on his quest to realize an equitable system of land and property distribution guided by democracy and socialism, and he never relinquished his firm belief that the only solution to eradicating the Manicheanism of the Cold War was through seeking the American military government’s cooperation. This article will also argue that Lyuh showed a highly consistent and dedicated commitment to realizing his ideals such that he never changed or forfeited his philosophy even after north Korea was established in September 1945, keeping his creed intact until his announcement of the Seven Principles for Left-Right Unification in October 1946 and untimely assassination in July 1947.
(Pages 55 – 74)
The Case for An Atrocity Determination for North Korea
Author: Olivia Enos
This article argues that the United States and South Korea should seize the opportunity presented by the United Nations’ forthcoming update to its 2014 Commission of Inquiry (COI) report to re-center international attention on the dire human rights situation in North Korea. While the COI previously established that crimes against humanity were being perpetrated by the Kim regime, this article contends that atrocity crimes—including genocide—may also be ongoing, particularly against Christians and other vulnerable groups. Drawing on defector testimony, legal frameworks, and recent precedent from U.S. atrocity determinations (e.g., on Uyghurs, Rohingya, and Yazidis), the article urges Washington and Seoul to issue their own atrocity determinations to galvanize diplomatic action, promote accountability, and provide relief to survivors. It outlines how human rights violations are intertwined with the regime’s stability and weapons development, and argues that an integrated strategy linking security and human rights is essential. The article concludes with policy recommendations, including targeted sanctions, refugee protections, enhanced information access, and closure of political prison camps, offering a roadmap for a more principled and effective North Korea policy.
(Pages 75 – 99)
China’s Violation of Sanctions Vis-à-Vis North Korea
Author: Gordon G. Chang
China, at sea and at land crossings, is facilitating commerce with North Korea that clearly violates U.N. Security Council sanctions. Beijing is also interfering in sanctions-enforcement activity in its peripheral seas. Hong Kong, due to Beijing’s policies, has become a major hub of illicit activities. China had done its best to disrupt the work of the U.N.’s Panel of Experts. American sanctions policy has been ineffective, in large part because Washington policymakers do not understand China’s top-down communist system. China, despite what many think, is not deeply concerned about the growing Russia-North Korea relationship. Beijing may have even masterminded the North’s recent sales of weapons to Russia for use in Ukraine and its sending of soldiers to the war there.
(Pages 100 – 118)
The UN ECOSOC NGO Committee and Civil Society Participation in the UN Process
Author: Greg Scarlatoiu
This article argues that while UN action on North Korean human rights has centered on the Human Rights Council, General Assembly, and Security Council, the role of the UN Committee on NGOs—gatekeeper to Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) consultative status—remains undeservedly overlooked. Dominated by anti-human rights undemocratic regimes, the Committee often blocks human rights defenders from participating in the UN system. Despite this, a few organizations—the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (HRNK), the People for Successful Corean Reunification (PSCORE), the Database Center for North Korean Human Rights (NKDB), and Christian Solidarity Worldwide—have managed to secure consultative status thanks to determined advocacy by like-minded states such as the U.S., Canada, the U.K., and South Korea. These cases, however, remain exceptions. The article contends that a more strategic, long-term effort is needed to diversify Committee membership by encouraging democratic states like South Korea and Japan to seek seats, replacing members with poor human rights records. This endeavor will take more than just international cooperation among the like-minded. Overcoming internal bureaucratic resistance and prioritizing resources for NGO Committee membership would expand access for credible NGOs, strengthen international civil society, and ultimately increase pressure on the North Korean regime to address its human rights abuses.
(Pages 119 – 132)